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概要：46. During the 1980s, women started to play a more important role in[ A ] demanding political fights.[ B ] improving social welfare.[ C ] supporting the family[ D ] earning better wages.47. According to Paragraph 2, who are most likely to be poor?[ A ] Women of color.[ B ] White women.[ C ] Men of color.[ D ] White men.48. According to Paragraph 3, having a job[ A ] means earning a low wage.[ B ] has never provided a way out of poverty.[ C ] does not mean that the children will become

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　　46. During the 1980s, women started to play a more important role in

　　[ A ] demanding political fights.[ B ] improving social welfare.

　　[ C ] supporting the family[ D ] earning better wages.

　　47. According to Paragraph 2, who are most likely to be poor?

　　[ A ] Women of color.[ B ] White women.

　　[ C ] Men of color.[ D ] White men.

　　48. According to Paragraph 3, having a job

　　[ A ] means earning a low wage.

　　[ B ] has never provided a way out of poverty.

　　[ C ] does not mean that the children will become rich.

　　[ D ] may not be a guarantee for a poor family to become better off.

　　49. The term "unionization" ( Line 1, Paragraph 5) refers to

　　[ A ] mobilizing all workers to seize power.

　　[ B ] gathering workers into an organized group.

　　[ C ] working out strategies to raise workers' pay.

　　[ D ] changing wage policies for women and minority men.

　　50. What is the theme of the text?

　　[ A ] The causes of low-wage problems.

　　[ B ] The inequality of workers' pay.

　　[ C ] The improvement of the rates of pay.

　　[ D ] The economy and the rates of pay.

　　Text 3

　　Du Bois was a sociological and educational pioneer who challenged the established system of education that tended to restrict rather than to advance the progress of black Americans. He challenged what is called the "Tuskegee machine" of Booker T. Washington, the leading educational spokesperson of the blacks in the U. S.. A sociologist and historian, Du Bois called for a more determined and activist leadership than Washington provided.

　　Unlike Washington, whose roots were is southern black agriculture, Du Bois' s career spanned both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line. He was a native of Massachusetts, received his undergraduate education from Fisk University in Nashville, did his graduate study at Harvard University, and directed the Atlanta University Studies of Black American Life in the South. Du Bois approached the problem of racial relations in the United States from two dimensions: as a scholarly researcher and as an activist for civil fights. Among his works was the famous empirical sociological study, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study, in which he examined that city' s black population and made recommendations for the school system. Du Bois' s Philadelphia study was the pioneer work on urban blacks in America.

　　Du Bois had a long and active career as a leader in the civil fights movement. He helped to organize the Niagara Movement in 1905, which led to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), established in 1909. From 1910 until 1934, Du Bois edited The Crisis, the major journal of the NAACP. In terms of its educational policy, the NAACP position was that all American children and youth should have genuine equality of educational opportunity. This policy, which Du Bois helped to formulate, stressed the following themes: (1) public schooling should be free and compulsory for all American children; (2) secondary schooling should be provided for all youth; (3) higher education should not be monopolized by any special class or race.

　　As a leader in education, Du Bois challenged not only the tradition of racial segregation in the schools but also the accommodationist ideology of Booker T. Washington. The major difference between the two men was that Washington sought change that was evolutionary in nature and did not upset the social order, whereas Du Bois demanded immediate change. Du Bois believed in educated leadership for blacks, and he developed a concept referred to as the "talented tenth," according to which 10 percent of the black population would receive a traditional college education in preparation for leadership.

　　51. Compared with B. T. Washington, Du Bois' s political stand was

　　[ A ] less popular.[ B ] more radical.

　　[ C ] less aggressive.[ D ] more conservative.

　　52. According to the text, Du Bois worked as all of the following EXCEPT

　　[ A ] an editor.[ B ] an educator.

　　[ C ] a scholar.[ D ] an official.

　　53. It is Du Bois' s belief that

　　[ A ] the blacks have a priority in terms of education.

　　[ B ] higher education should be free for all races.

　　[ C ] everyone has an equal fight to education.

　　[ D ] development in education should be gradual.

　　54. Which of the following statements is true according to the text?

　　[ A ] Washington would not appreciate the idea of overthrowing social order.

　　[ B ] Racial separation is an outcome of accommodationist ideology.

　　[ C ] Washington would not support determined activist leadership.

　　[ D ] The Philadelphia Negro is a book on blacks in American South.

　　55. It can be inferred from the last paragraph that

　　[ A ] many blacks are prepared for leadership.

　　[ B ] Du Bois was in favor of "elite education" for blacks.

　　[ C ] Washington and Du Bois had never been friends.

　　[ D ] only the top 10 percent are worth educating.

　　Text 4

　　Our analysis therefore suggests that the real problem facing the black community lies in the educational obstacles prior to the Ph. D. programs rather than in the pour-in of foreign students. Equally, our analysis suggests that we ought to treat foreign students as an important source of brain gain for us and that we ought to facilitate, rather than hinder, their arrival and their entry into our work force. How could this be done?

　　There is a long-standing provision in our immigration laws under which those who bring in a certain amount of financial capital ( which will "create jobs" ) are allowed to immigrate: A foreigner who invests one million dollars in a commercial enterprise established in a high-unemployment area, which creates jobs for at least ten Americans, is automatically given immigrant status (i. e. a green card). We suggest extending the idea from financial to human capital.

　　Currently, graduate students who wish to stay on in the United States after their Ph.D. s must be sponsored by their employers, a process that imposes substantial hardship both on the students and on smaller employers.

　　The standard procedure is in two stages. First, the U. S. Department of Labor must, on the basis of a U. S. employer' s sponsorship, certify that "no American can do this job. " Then, the would-be immigrant must apply for immigrant status at the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). If all goes fight, the entire process takes about two years (considerably more for citizens of certain countries). But things may not go fight: there could be problems at either stage. Thus, the employer or the "alien" must hire an immigration lawyer. The current process, then, is costly both to the would-be immigrant and to the employer ( and hence, it unfairly penalizes smaller firms

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